Definition of ARP

“Alternative Rite of Passage” or ARP is commonly defined as a strategy used by non-governmental organisations in their efforts to end female genital mutilation/cutting (FGM/C) by mimicking or providing an alternative to ‘traditional’ initiation rituals of which FGM/C is a part, but with the omission of the physical cut.

Upon closer inspection, however, the term ARP might be problematic. The term is used to refer to a wide variety of approaches and interventions, often including for example:

• ARP as a public graduation ceremony, often following a period of awareness-raising and training. This period can be a couple of days, weeks, or months, and can target girls of initiation age and/or their families and/or wider communities
• ARP as only one aspect of a much wider intervention which includes awareness-raising, workshops, human rights education, mobilisation of the entire community, and so on.

The variety of interpretations of ARP has led some scholars and practitioners to question whether the term “ARP” is useful. Furthermore, the term ARP seems to imply that the graduation ceremony of the new ritual is the most important part of an intervention. However, development practitioners and researchers have argued that the graduation ceremony is often simply the accumulation of many other activities (awareness-raising, education, involvement of role models and community leaders) that are much more impactful.

Origins of ARPs

One of the first ARPs was developed by Maendeleo Ya Wanawake (MYWO) in collaboration with the Programme for Alternative Technology in Health (PATH). Both the organizations worked towards elimination of FGM/C through educational programs in different districts in Kenya in 1994. The initial aim of MYWO and PATH was to sensitize parents about the harms of FGM/C and discourgae them from cutting their daughters. While some of the parents were open to the idea of abandoning the practice, there were some who feared that their daughters would not be able to find husbands in the future as they would not be considered as an adult. Thus, the idea of ARP was born. The MYWO Meru District Coordinator along with a Tharaka woman leader developed ARP practices that would allow families to initiate the daughters into womanhood without the practice of FMG/C. The first ARP took place in Tharaka, Kenya in 1996. With the success of ARP in Tharaka the same practice was extended to some of the other districts too. 

Nature of ARPs

ARPs are shaped and designed by NGOs in different forms based on the requirements of the ethnic community. Having a uniform set of practices for ARP for different communities is not the best approach given the diversity of different communities. For instance, when the ARP was initially introduced in the Tharaka county in Kenya it was expanded to other counties one of them was Narok. The MYWO staff faced several challenges as Masaai people who predominantly inhabited the region were comparatively more resistant to abandoning FGM/C than other groups. Further, the ARP practices developed in Tharaka county, which included a public ceremony, were less effective in Narok as the initiation practices in the region were not traditionally celebrated in a public ceremony but instead within the family and with friends. The fact that the public ceremony had little meaning to the Masaai communities showed the need to tailor ARPs differently for different communities. Retaining traditional elements within the ARP is also an important factor as people may be more likely to accept and relate to the practices. ARPs are carried out through different modes by way of community sensitization programs and education.

How effective are ARPs in ending FGM/C?

Massaquoi and colleagues (2021) provide the first systematic review of literature on the effectiveness of ARPs. The studies they reviewed show that ARP interventions have been “effective at increasing knowledge about the potential risks of FGM, facilitating the translation of change in attitudes, providing a safe place for girls at risk of FGM, and providing short term relief or reduction in FGM practice” (7). However, the authors concluded that there is a lack of evidence on ARPs’ effectiveness in reducing FGM/C prevalence. Of the 31 articles on ARP reviewed, only one provided quantitative evidence of impact: a difference-in-difference impact analysis conducted by Muhula and colleagues (2021) demonstrated community-led alternative rites of passage had contributed to a decline in FGM/C prevalence. However, other scholars have pointed out that their use of Demographic and Health Survey data is not appropriate for measuring the impact of their programme. More rigorous research is needed to allow for estimating the impact of ARP interventions.

Based on the review, the authors suggested a number of factors that appeared to contribute to beneficial outcomes:

1. implementation by community-based NGOs
2. active engagement of all community members (not just girls and women)
3. intensive community sensitisation
4. ARP is only appropriate for communities where FGC is part of an initiation ritual

The authors also identified a number of limitations of the ARPs discussed in the articles that were reviewed.

1. Many/some girls still underwent FGM/C after graduation through an ARP ceremony or had already undergone FGM/C before participating in the ARP
2. ARP initiates in some cases experience more social pressure and stigma
3. ARPs were considered “fun activities” but not a substitute for FGM/C
4. ARPs were found to have limited sustainability due to a lack of funding for follow-up interventions
5. There is a lack of Monitoring & Evaluation. Where ARPs are implemented, M&E needs to be built in from the start, and include capacity for longer-term follow-up to understand if participants go on to get FGM/C or not.